The E.U.’s coordinator for antisemitism and fostering Jewish life warns that threats to Jewish safety signal a broader threat to European democracy.

Adi Nirman

By Adi Nirman, Israel Hayom via JNS

Relations between the European Union and Israel have repeatedly made headlines over the past month, and the context has been far from positive.

In the shadow of decisions to examine the association agreement between Israel and the European Union and calls from E.U. state leaders against Israel, a troubling trend continues to grow and intensify, particularly over the past year and a half—antisemitism.

Katharina von Schnurbein, since 2015 the European Commission’s coordinator on combating antisemitism and fostering Jewish life, and her team have developed a comprehensive strategy that became operational in 2021.

The strategy was developed before anyone could envision the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack and its catastrophic ramifications across multiple dimensions, fundamentally redefining Schnurbein’s role as she expresses deep concern about emerging trends and implements the necessary adaptations to address these consequences.

Israel Hayom interviewed von Schnurbein in Jerusalem during her visit to the Yad Vashem Holocaust Remembrance Center, where she saw a new audio-visual experience funded by the European Union, narrating the story of Europe and North Africa’s lost Jewish communities.

Prominently displayed on her jacket lapel was a symbol that has accompanied Israelis and Jewish communities globally for the past year and a half—a yellow hostage pin, a small emblem of solidarity.

‘An artificial separation’

Whether addressing incidents across E.U. member states, the Molotov cocktail assault in Colorado, or the murder of diplomats Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim in Washington, a narrative asserting these attacks represent anti-Zionism rather than antisemitic motivations is being advanced worldwide—a problematic characterization given that victims are overwhelmingly Jews.

Q: As the coordinator on combating antisemitism and fostering Jewish life, do you think antisemitism by definition is often masked as anti-Zionism since Oct. 7?

Katharina von Schnurbein: Yes. We have said it before—antisemitism can hide behind anti-Zionism. It’s even written in our E.U. strategy on combating antisemitism and fostering Jewish life.

After Oct. 7, I think it has come much more to the fore. In our definition [of antisemitism], the IHRA [International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance] definition, we have examples of Israel-related antisemitism and anti-Zionism, which are there for a reason.

This definition was written originally in 2005, so it’s not in itself a new phenomenon, but the way it has come to the streets is very predominant now, and that’s a very worrying trend.

Q: The thing is, a lot of people who are anti-Israel actually distinguish between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. Do you think that’s possible?

A: The IHRA definition says criticizing Israel like you would criticize any other country is not antisemitic. So, you can criticize the actions of the government.

But Zionism was the movement of the Jewish people to have their own state. Anti-Zionism, therefore, is the denial of a state for the Jewish people. And that in itself is antisemitic. So, I believe in the end, if you look at it, it’s an artificial separation.

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This artificial distinction manifested concretely in Belgium several weeks ago. A father and daughter walked through Antwerp’s streets when a restaurant customer abruptly stood, seized his wine glass, and hurled the liquid directly into the child’s eyes while screaming, “Free Palestine” and hurling curses.

When I inquired about such incidents from her perspective, von Schnurbein responded: “So probably it was both [antisemitic and anti-Zionist]. We have seen what ‘Free Palestine’ can lead to, what calls for the globalization of the intifada can lead to.

“We saw it in the horrific murders of Yaron and Sarah in D.C. I had the honor to go to the shivah of Yaron and give our condolences on behalf of the European Commission. It starts with words, but it doesn’t stop there. It can end in horrific hate crimes. And so, we have to be very aware of what we say.”

However, the line in Europe has been crossed beyond rhetoric, as the Italian newspaper La Repubblica reported on May 27 on a Roman mural created by an anonymous artist depicting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Hitler kissing, titled “the Final Solution.” At this reference, von Schnurbein exhales deeply.

Q: Concerning the artificial line that you’ve mentioned, and following your recent visit to Yad Vashem, what do you have to say about that?

A: Criticism of the government of Israel is possible, but this comparison is a conflation of the past that is simply dangerous. It’s certainly antisemitic and anti-Zionist at the same time.

Holocaust distortion is a very prevalent way of masking antisemitism. There, we have to be very clear, in particular as Europeans. The Holocaust happened before Israel was established. It happened the way it did because there was no Israel.

It also happened at a time when there were no Muslims in Europe. It’s important to remember that because the conflation that is happening now is trying to rid us of our responsibility.

It’s a slippery slope if we don’t look at the facts anymore and make up our own history. As part of the work in the European Commission, we work very actively with the IHRA and with Yad Vashem to create a network of places where the Holocaust happened.

There are 44,000 identified places beyond the extermination sites, places where Jews might have been hidden, their escape routes, roundup places and the train stations. We want to make sure, since we have fewer survivors with us who can give us the real testimony, that these places become the testimonials.

That’s why the new audiovisual experience in Yad Vashem is very important, because it shows us what we lost. We have to remember how diverse and integrated Jewish life was in Europe before the Shoah.

Q: Recently, Ralph País, the co-founder of the Jewish Information Documentation Center in Belgium, said in response to the antisemitic incidents in the country that there is a “legitimacy to hurt Jews” today. What do you have to say to that statement?

A: There has indeed been a shift to blame the Jews in Europe for what is happening in Israel. And what is happening here is reported in a very limited, one-sided way often, I have to say.

And this has led indeed to a situation where Jews don’t feel safe, and it’s our responsibility as authorities that Jews feel safe and that they can go about their lives in line with their religious and cultural traditions. This must be our ultimate aim.

If you see that a group of people does not feel safe anymore, it means something about democracy. And therefore, we have to ensure that our democratic values, on which the E.U. is based, are upheld.

The conspiracy theories are an example of the direct link to the threat to democracy. If you think that some ominous Jewish group directs our countries rather than elected governments, your trust in democracy is rather low.

This demonstrates why antisemitism is often called the canary in the coal mine—it signals something bigger is going on.

Q: You mentioned the horrific murder of the two diplomats in Washington, and now Israel has issued a warning regarding Canadian Jews, and Israelis traveling to Canada, due to terror threats. What do you do to prevent that from happening in E.U. member states?

A: Since 2021, we have had the E.U. strategy on combating antisemitism and fostering Jewish life, with security as a prerequisite for Jewish life. This has led to a lot of upscaling of security measures on a national level, but the E.U. also initiated projects and supported Jewish communities financially.

The awareness has increased significantly among member states. Twenty-four countries now have national strategies where security is a key aspect. We also made sure that we addressed antisemitism online.

“It’s the No. 1 entry door into antisemitism, so it’s something that we are addressing by law. We have the Digital Services Act, the first region in the world that gives a legal framework for how platforms can operate.

This means that very large platforms, those that have more than 45 million users, have to disclose their algorithms to the commission. In essence, they have to show how their business model does not threaten democracy.

We are also building a network of organizations—trusted flaggers, fact-checkers who can detect antisemitic and discern antisemitic content. There are always grey areas, but mostly it’s quite clear whether it’s illegal or not, and requires taking that content down, or it’s “lawful but awful,” so not necessarily illegal.

Yet beyond combating the viral spread of antisemitic content among younger demographics and across social media platforms, physical protection for European Jewish communities remains critically essential, addressed both at the E.U. level and by individual member states.

Just recently, on Lag B’Omer, I was at a gathering of Jewish scouts in Belgium. It was a major event. In order to make sure they can feel safe, there were police at the entrances. This is just a concrete example.

Q: Antisemitism is not a phenomenon that just occurred overnight, you said so yourself. How has Oct. 7 influenced antisemitism in Europe based on what you saw and what you know since assuming your role?

A: To be precise, antisemitism has been there for 2,000 years. So, we also have to be realistic about what such a strategy can do in three years. But on Oct. 7 and the week after, we’ve seen a surge in antisemitic incidents, mainly in Western Europe.

And that concerns attacks against venues, or desecration of cemeteries, graffiti, attacks against people, although thankfully, in Europe so far, it’s not been as bad as we saw it in Washington.

Q: You’ve mentioned the Islamic community in Europe previously. Do you think there’s a link between the rise of Islamist extremism and antisemitism in Europe today?

A: I think there’s a link between extremism in general and the rise of antisemitism. We have seen a significant rise of the far right, of the far left, and also of Muslim extremism.

Extremists agree on very little, but hatred is a common denominator. I prefer to distinguish between democrats and extremists, wherever they come from. And we cannot tolerate extremism.

In the European Commission, we have a whole team that works on preventing and addressing extremism and radicalization. I work with them in close contact.

Originally published by Israel Hayom.