A $150 million infusion for diplomacy is a step in the right direction if used strategically with an understanding of the challenge the Jewish state faces in the United States.
By Mitchel Bard, JNS
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu likes to cite polls that indicate American support for Israel, but while it might not concern him, the data suggests the bipartisan consensus that has helped sustain the special relationship has completely collapsed. Sympathy for Israel has severely eroded, driven by the cratering of support from the Democratic Party. While political backing in Washington still holds firm, public sentiment is shifting in ways that could have long-term consequences for Israel.
For decades, the most consistent measure of American attitudes toward Israel has been Gallup’s question: “In the Middle East situation, are your sympathies more with Israel or the Palestinians?” Since 1967, Israel has averaged 49% support compared to 13% for the Arab states/Palestinians. Less than half of the public has sympathized with Israel over the last six decades.
Think about that for a moment.
Even in the aftermath of Israel’s victory in the Six-Day War—when Israel was viewed as David miraculously defeating the Arab Goliath—just 56% of Americans expressed sympathy for Israel. Three years later, that figure had plummeted to 38%. This was long before all the negative influences blamed today for anti-Israel bias such as social media, intersectionality and Qatari contributions to universities.
Sympathy for Israel peaked at 62% between 2010 and 2019 but has dropped every year since, falling to just 46% in 2025—the lowest since 2001. Meanwhile, sympathy for the Palestinians hit a record high of 33%.
Israel’s favorability ratings have also plunged, reaching just 54% in February 2025—down from a high of 79% in 1991 after the Gulf War. Israel now ranks 12th out of 22 countries, trailing behind Egypt. By contrast, the Palestinian Territories’ favorability (previously Gallup used “Palestinian Authority”) climbed to 32%, a record high. Jeffrey Jones wrote for Gallup, “It is unclear if the increase results from more positive views of the Palestinian people—perhaps due to the ceasefire in the Israel-Hamas war or the loss of thousands of Palestinian lives in that conflict—or because of the change in item wording.”
Polls tend to be sensitive to presidential attitudes toward Israel and wars. Sympathy toward Israel in the first poll after the “Iron Sword” war was launched was just 51%, the lowest since 2000 when it was 43%. The further decline this year is likely related to the increasing casualties in Gaza, the humanitarian situation, the criticism of Israel by the Biden administration and the negative media coverage of Israel.
The real story is the erosion of Democratic support for Israel. Contrary to popular misconception, apart from the time of the Gulf War when support peaked at 62%, most Democrats have never sympathized with Israel. The last time more than half supported Israel was in 2016 when the figure was 53%. Since then, Democrats have not just abandoned Israel but have become more sympathetic toward the Palestinians.
In 2025, just 21% of Democrats expressed sympathy for Israel, while a record 59% backed the Palestinians. Bipartisanship—once a strength of Israel’s relationship with the United States—has evaporated as Democrats and Republicans have moved in opposite directions. Republican support, though declining from its peak of 87% in 2018, remains strong at 75%. The 54-point partisan gap is the largest ever recorded.
Predictably, attitudes toward Netanyahu mirror this divide. While 66% of Republicans view him favorably, only 12% of Democrats do—a record low. Netanyahu’s favorability is just 30% among independents, tying its lowest point. Given the data, it is unsurprising that Netanyahu has gravitated toward the Republican Party.
Gallup analyst Megan Brenan noted: “Democrats’ declining sympathy for the Israelis was seemingly the result of disapproval of the nation’s right-leaning political leadership under Netanyahu. However, it has fallen further in the past two years.”
This is most likely related to negative attitudes toward the conduct of the war in Gaza.
The other potentially troubling trend, which is likely related to party identification, is among younger voters. In 2018, 65% of Americans aged 18 to 34 supported Israel. In 2025, that figure has collapsed to just 29%, while 48% sympathize with the Palestinians. In contrast, among Americans aged 40 to 64, support stands at 45%-33% in favor of Israel, while those 65 and older support Israel 56%-26%.
Historically, sympathy toward Israel increases with age, so the problem may not be as serious as it looks now. On the other hand, the trend can change, and a gradual erosion of support for Israel could evolve across age groups.
Israel has also long struggled with support among non-white Americans. While the Jewish community has focused outreach on black communities, the growing Hispanic population remains largely overlooked. It is heterogeneous and needs careful cultivation. As Hispanics gain political influence, it is imperative that they are educated about the importance of the U.S.-Israel relationship.
The good news is that, for now, most congressional Democrats do not share the general public’s views. The overwhelming majority remain supportive of Israel on the one issue that they influence: foreign aid. Thanks to the work of AIPAC and other advocacy groups, the influence of anti-Israel voices like “The Squad” remains limited.
It’s easy to blame intersectionality, “wokeness,” Qatari-funded universities or social media for Israel’s declining support among Democrats, but that doesn’t change reality. Moreover, critics of Israel are not exclusive to the left. Figures like Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) and former Fox News talk-show host Tucker Carlson demonstrate that critics exist on the right as well.
Israel cannot afford to ignore the growing disconnect between its policies and American public opinion. If left unaddressed, these shifting attitudes threaten the long-standing alliance between our nations. The reality is apparent: If Israel is perceived as uninterested in peace, it will struggle to maintain support from liberals—76% of whom back the creation of a Palestinian state. While Israel is not obligated to embrace the dangerous and unrealistic two-state solution, it must articulate a compelling vision for peace and security. Silence on this front cedes the narrative to its detractors.
The decline in public support highlights the critical role of electoral politics. The pro-Israel community must not only invest its time, energy and financial resources but also demonstrate that standing with Israel is politically advantageous. Israel is not a charity case; it is a strategic ally that brings tangible benefits to the United States. Those benefits must be clearly communicated. Lawmakers who support Israel must see that their stance strengthens their political future, while those who oppose Israel must face electoral consequences. This battle extends beyond Washington to local races, where anti-Israel forces are making dangerous inroads.
Education about Israel must be emphasized to reach younger audiences. Teaching about the Holocaust is not the answer. It’s as relevant to young people as the Peloponnesian War. The decades-long failure to instill a foundational understanding of Israeli history has allowed anti-Israel narratives to dominate college campuses long before Oct. 7. The fact that Birthright Israel still refuses to include high school students on its trips is inexcusable. Young minds are shaped in their teenage years, and without exposure to Israel early on, they arrive on college campuses unprepared for the hostility they will face. Visiting Israel remains the single most effective way to strengthen Jewish identity and foster a genuine connection to the country.
Israel Studies programs must also be reinvigorated. My organization placed more than 100 Israeli professors in more than 70 universities, sparking an explosion of new courses and creating programs, centers and academic chairs at institutions like the University of California, Berkeley and the University of California, Los Angeles. These efforts introduced students—many for the first time—to Israel beyond the narrow lens of conflict. But when funding dried up, that progress was lost. Future investments must be strategic. Without careful oversight, misguided faculty can turn these initiatives against Israel, as has happened in some Jewish and Israel Studies departments. The right professors can transform campus discourse and shape students’ understanding, but the wrong ones can do untold damage.
Israel has always been criticized for poor public relations, but it has improved. However, the Gaza war has made it clear: Winning on the battlefield is not enough if Israel is losing in the court of public opinion. The $150 million infusion for public diplomacy is a step in the right direction if used strategically with an understanding of the challenge Israel faces in the United States.
The battle against antisemitism is directly tied to support for Israel. Every attack on Israel is fueled by and reinforces antisemitic narratives. Israel and its advocates cannot afford to merely react; they must take control of the narrative, expose the lies and unapologetically make the case for Israel. The time for playing defense is over. The erosion of sympathy for Israel must be reversed.